Behind the Mask of Chivalry: The Making of the Second Ku Klux Klan

Compellingly readable and impeccably researched, The Mask of Chivalry is an unforgettable investigation of a crucial era in American history, cultural currents, and the social conditions, and ordinary men that built this archetypal American reactionary movement. The men who deplored sex among young people and sought to restore the power of husbands and fathers were also sworn to reclaim the "white man's country, " striving to take the vote from blacks and bar immigrants.

They boasted that they had bonded into "an invisible phalanx. To stand as impregnable as a tower against every encroachment upon the white man's liberty. In the white man's country, under the white man's flag. Behind the mask of chivalry brings the "invisible phalanx" into broad daylight, culling from history the names, the life stories, and the driving passions of the anonymous Klansmen beneath the white hoods and robes.

On thanksgiving night, a small band of hooded men gathered atop Stone Mountain, 1915, an imposing granite butte just outside Atlanta. Local meetings, plans for recruitment campaigns and Klan barbecues, or klonklaves, featured readings of the minutes, and distribution of educational materials--Christ and Other Klansmen was one popular tome.

No other right-wing movement has ever achieved as much power as the Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s, and this book shows how and why it did.


Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right's Stealth Plan for America

This revelatory work of scholarship is also a call to arms to protect the achievements of twentieth-century American self-government. Without buchanan's ideas and koch's money, the libertarian right would not have succeeded in its stealth takeover of the Republican Party as a delivery mechanism. Now, the senate, the cause has a longtime loyalist in the white House, a majority of state governments, and the courts, not to mention a phalanx of Republicans in the House, with Mike Pence as Vice President, all carrying out the plan.

Based on ten years of unique research, Democracy in Chains tells a chilling story of right-wing academics and big money run amok. If you're worried about what all this means for America's future, you should be. Npr   an explosive exposé of the right’s relentless campaign to eliminate unions, suppress voting, stop action on climate change, privatize public education, and alter the Constitution.

Behind today’s headlines of billionaires taking over our government is a secretive political establishment with long, deep, and troubling roots. The capitalist radical right has been working not simply to change who rules, but to fundamentally alter the rules of democratic governance. Winner of the lillian smith book awardwinner of the los Angeles Times Book PrizeFinalist for the National Book AwardThe Nation's "Most Valuable Book"“A vibrant intellectual history of the radical right.

The atlantic   “this sixty-year campaign to make libertarianism mainstream and eventually take the government itself is at the heart of Democracy in Chains.


Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right's Stealth Plan for America

Without buchanan's ideas and koch's money, the libertarian right would not have succeeded in its stealth takeover of the Republican Party as a delivery mechanism. In response to the widening of american democracy, he developed a brilliant, if diabolical, plan to undermine the ability of the majority to use its numbers to level the playing field between the rich and powerful and the rest of us.

Corporate donors and their right-wing foundations were only too eager to support Buchanan’s work in teaching others how to divide America into “makers” and “takers. And when a multibillionaire on a messianic mission to rewrite the social contract of the modern world, Charles Koch, discovered Buchanan, he created a vast, relentless, and multi-armed machine to carry out Buchanan’s strategy.

. Based on ten years of unique research, Democracy in Chains tells a chilling story of right-wing academics and big money run amok. Now, not to mention a phalanx of republicans in the house, a majority of state governments, and the courts, the Senate, the cause has a longtime loyalist in the White House, with Mike Pence as Vice President, all carrying out the plan.

The capitalist radical right has been working not simply to change who rules, but to fundamentally alter the rules of democratic governance. That plan includes harsher laws to undermine unions, privatizing everything from schools to health care and Social Security, and keeping as many of us as possible from voting.

This revelatory work of scholarship is also a call to arms to protect the achievements of twentieth-century American self-government.


The Second Coming of the KKK: The Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s and the American Political Tradition

8 pages of illustrations 8 pages of illustrations Viking. A “must-read” salon for anyone looking to understand the current moment, The Second Coming of the KKK offers “chilling comparisons to the present day” New York Review of Books. Part cautionary tale, the second coming of the kkk “illuminates the surprising scope of the movement” The New Yorker; the Klan attracted four-to-six-million members through secret rituals, manufactured news stories, part expose” Washington Post, and mass “Klonvocations” prior to its collapse in 1926?but not before its potent ideology of intolerance became part and parcel of the American tradition.

Dramatically challenging our preconceptions of the hooded klansmen responsible for establishing a Jim Crow racial hierarchy in the 1870s South, this “second Klan” spread in states principally above the Mason-Dixon line by courting xenophobic fears surrounding the flood of immigrant “hordes” landing on American shores.

. An urgent examination into the revived Klan of the 1920s becomes “required reading” for our time New York Times Book Review. Extraordinary national acclaim accompanied the publication of award-winning historian Linda Gordon’s disturbing and markedly timely history of the reassembled Ku Klux Klan of the 1920s.

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The Reactionary Mind: Conservatism from Edmund Burke to Donald Trump

What is conservatism, what excites them?in the reactionary Mind, and what's truly at stake for its proponents? If capitalism bores them, Robin traces conservatism back to its roots in the reaction against the French Revolution. It advances the notion that all right-wing ideologies, seeing it threatened, from the eighteenth century through today, are improvisations on a theme: the felt experience of having power, and trying to win it back.

Despite their opposition to these movements, violence, conservatives favor a dynamic conception of politics and society -- one that involves self-transformation, and war. This partiality to violence and capacity for reinvention have been critical to their success. Written by a highly-regarded, keen observer of the contemporary political scene, The Reactionary Mind ranges widely, from Edmund Burke to Antonin Scalia and Donald Trump, and from John C.

Capitalism is "boring, " said the founding father of the American right. He argues that the right was inspired, and is still united, by its hostility to emancipating the lower orders. They are also highly adaptive to new challenges and circumstances. Devoting your life to it, " as conservatives do, "is horrifying if only because it's so repetitious.

Buckley made a confession to Corey Robin.


The Paranoid Style in American Politics

He investigates the politics of the irrational, shedding light on how the behavior of individuals can seem out of proportion with actual political issues, and how such behavior impacts larger groups. With such other classic essays as “free silver and the mind of 'coin' harvey” and “What Happened to the Antitrust Movement?, ” The Paranoid Style in American Politics remains both a seminal text of political history and a vital analysis of the ways in which political groups function in the United States.

This timely reissue of richard Hofstadter's classic work on the fringe groups that influence American electoral politics offers an invaluable perspective on contemporary domestic affairs. In the paranoid style in american politics, acclaimed historian Richard Hofstadter examines the competing forces in American political discourse and how fringe groups can influence — and derail — the larger agendas of a political party.

Viking.


Anti-Intellectualism in American Life

Hofstadter unfolds the fascinating story, it is no crude battle of eggheads and fatheads. Winner of the 1964 Pulitzer Prize in Non-Fiction. It is a rich, complex, shifting picture of the life of the mind in a society dominated by the ideal of practical success. Robert peel in the Christian Science Monitor  Viking.

In this award-winning classic work of consensus history, author of The Age of Reform, Richard Hofstadter, examines the role of social movements in the perception of intellect in American life. As Mr.


Voices of Protest: Huey Long, Father Coughlin, & the Great Depression

The study of two great demagogues in American history--Huey P. Award-winning historian alan brinkely describes their modest origins and their parallel rise together in the early years of the Great Depression to become the two most successful leaders of national political dissidence of their era. Winner of the american Book Award for History* Viking.

Coughlin, a catholic priest from an industrial suburb near Detroit. Long, a first-term united states Senator from the red-clay, piney-woods country of nothern Louisiana; and Charles E.


Updated Edition - Change They Can't Believe In: The Tea Party and Reactionary Politics in America

Are tea party supporters merely a group of conservative citizens concerned about government spending? Or are they racists who refuse to accept Barack Obama as their president because he's not white? Change They Can’t Believe In offers an alternative argument―that the Tea Party is driven by the reemergence of a reactionary movement in American politics that is fueled by a fear that America has changed for the worse.

In a new afterword, including the 2013 government shutdown, Parker and Barreto reflect on the Tea Party’s recent initiatives, and evaluate their prospects for the 2016 election. Viking. Providing a range of original evidence and rich portraits of party sympathizers as well as activists, Christopher Parker and Matt Barreto show that the perception that America is in danger directly informs how Tea Party supporters think and act.

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The Age of Eisenhower: America and the World in the 1950s

As part of his strategy to wage, the Cold War, Eisenhower expanded American military power, and win, built a fearsome nuclear arsenal and launched the space race. Eisenhower fifth on the list of great presidents, behind the perennial top four: Lincoln, Washington, Franklin D. He thwarted the demagoguery of McCarthy and he advanced the agenda of civil rights for African Americans.

In his famous farewell address, he acknowledged that Americans needed such weapons in order to keep global peace—but he also admonished his citizens to remain alert to the potentially harmful influence of the “military-industrial complex. From 1953 to 1961, no one dominated the world stage as did President Dwight D.

A former general, adroitly managed a potential confrontation with China, Ike kept the peace: he ended the Korean War, avoided a war in Vietnam, and soothed relations with the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death. Viking. The age of eisenhower is the definitive account of this presidency, drawing extensively on declassified material from the Eisenhower Library, the CIA and Defense Department, and troves of unpublished documents.

. Eisenhower’s accomplishments were enormous, and loom ever larger from the vantage point of our own tumultuous times. The result is an eye-opening reevaluation that explains why this “do-nothing” president is rightly regarded as one of the best leaders our country has ever had. Eisenhower.


Panic At The Pump

Washington proved unable to design an effective national energy policy, and the result was a mounting skepticism about government intervention that set the stage for the rise of Reaganism. Bush sent troops to protect the free flow of oil in the Persian Gulf. Hill Wang. She offers lively portraits of key figures, from Nixon and Carter to the zealous energy czar William Simon and the young Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney.

It was a failure of domestic policy at home that helped precipitate military action abroad. The result was a political stalemate and panic across the country: miles-long gas lines, Big Oil conspiracy theories, even violent strikes by truckers. Jacobs concludes that the energy crisis of the 1970s became, for many Americans, an object lesson in the limitations of governmental power.

Though the embargo would end the following year, it introduced a new kind of insecurity into American life―an insecurity that would only intensify when the Iranian Revolution led to new shortages at the end of the decade. As meg jacobs shows, the oil crisis had a decisive impact on American politics. An authoritative history of the energy crises of the 1970s and the world they wroughtIn 1973, the Arab OPEC cartel banned the export of oil to the United States, sending prices and tempers rising across the country.

Jacobs’s absorbing chronicle ends with the 1991 Gulf War, when President George H. W. The democratic party was divided, with older New Deal liberals who prized access to affordable energy squaring off against young environmentalists who pushed for conservation.